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RESPONSE TO RESPONSE TO INTERVENTION: HAVE WE FOUND A BETTER WAY OR WILL WE BE JUST AS CONFUSED AS WE HAVE BEEN FOR THE LAST TEN YEARS? by Guy M. McBride Burke County Public Schools, NC John O. Willis Rivier College Ron Dumont Fairleigh Dickinson University Print
this page Abstract Congress is in the process of reauthorizing the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act and appears almost certain to eliminate or make optional the use of IQ tests and discrepancy formulae for identification of specific learning disabilities in favor of Response to Intervention and the Problem Solving Model, which are already being used in school districts in at least ten states. This dramatic shift in the practice of school psychology will require school psychologists, ready or not, to master new skills, new approaches, and new roles for the parts of their jobs involving learning disabilities assessments. This article attempts to analyze some of the anticipated changes and possible implications for school psychologists. Background Last
year, both houses of Congress introduced bills (HR 1350, S 1248) reauthorizing
the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Although the
bills had significant differences, with respect to Specific Learning
Disabilities (SLD) they both offered identical amendments to the current
(1997) law. The House passed its version on April 30, 2003 and, as we
write this article, we await action from the Senate. Briefly, both houses
of Congress proposed that the states be prohibited from requiring that
Individualized Education Program (IEP) teams find a severe discrepancy
between ability and achievement in order to identify a student as having
a Specific Learning Disability; and both bills proposed that "a
local educational agency may use a process which determines if a child
responds to scientific, research-based intervention" as an alternative
marker for the "true" child with SLD. Although
these changes are not discussed or elaborated upon within the context
of the legislation, the history behind those changes suggests that the
impact on parents, administrators, teachers, school psychologists and
special educators may be analogous to being sucked into a black hole
and blown out the other side. Some of the Many Flaws in the Current "Discrepancy" Model To understand why RTI may make sense, it is necessary to understand why the current model may be senseless.
OSERS never required states to adopt regulations requiring that IQ tests be given (Guard, 2002), or that individually administered standardized achievement tests be administered. As early as 1980, the Office for Special Education Programs (OSEP) informed the states that whatever guidance OSERS may offer regarding regulations for the determination of a severe discrepancy, was expressly that - "guidance." IEP teams must decide, on whatever basis they deem relevant, whether a student does or does not have a severe discrepancy and what, if anything, a severe discrepancy really means. And while OSEP said states may require IEP teams to document the basis for that determination, states may not override a team's decision, even if it is based on criteria other than those suggested in their state regulations. States and local school districts have nonetheless created and imposed myriad strange and wonderful statistical formulae, with the result being that multidisciplinary teams often came, over time, to mistake them for law. [See Dumont, Willis, & McBride, 2001, for a more in-depth discussion of the severe discrepancy clause.] Multidisciplinary
teams, in an attempt to decide about a child's eligibility for special
education services, have utilized information provided by school psychologists,
learning specialists, and/or independent evaluators who have been assiduously
administering and comparing IQ (WISC, WAIS, DAS, KAIT, Slosson, ad nauseum)
and achievement tests (WIAT, Woodcock-Johnson, PIAT, K-TEA, etc.) since
1977. Have
we, in that process, misclassified children? Services delayed are services
denied. Most children are not identified as having learning disabilities
until age nine (Lyon et al., 2001). Yet 75% of third grade children
with reading disabilities who did not receive early intervention continue
to have difficulties learning to read throughout life (Lyon, 1997). One thing
on which virtually everyone seems to agree is that a Specific Learning
Disability is not something you catch. If you've got it, you had when
you were in kindergarten, and you will have it when you graduate. But
what seems to be the current state of affairs in special education service
delivery? One common scenario seems to be as follows. A child is referred
to the special education team while in kindergarten. His parents have
taught him a few letter sounds and to add one or two numbers, so, when
he is administered a nationally normed achievement test, he scores in
the low average range and consequently, he doesn't qualify for special
education services. A year or two later, the parent or teacher refers
him once again for an evaluation. We call in the parents once more.
"Mrs. McGillicutty," we say, "We're really sorry to have
to tell you this, but we reevaluated your child, and I guess the best
thing for us to do is just come to the point. Your child still isn't
disabled. Despite that fact that he is falling behind in his work and
showing great difficulty in acquiring the skills necessary for successful
academics, there isn't a big enough gap between his IQ and his achievement
scores for us to be able to identify a 'severe discrepancy.' In another
year or two, however, he may fall even further behind, and we're hoping
he'll qualify for help then. Better luck next time." That same
child gets evaluated again in third, fourth, or fifth grade, and he
finally qualifies for services. By then it's too late. He hates school,
and more likely than not, even if the school were to offer him effective
help, he wouldn't want help from the school. Besides, he's fallen too
far behind to ever catch up. And in point of fact, what would be done
for him might be little different than what would be done for children
with EMD, ADHD, ED, and all the other "D's." While his mother
is expecting the school to provide qualified teachers to help him with
reading (80% of children identified as having a Specific Learning Disability
were referred for reading problems), his teachers will instead be attending
workshops on understanding regulations, understanding changes in the
regulations, or on completing new forms which were just revised for
the third time in a year because the people who drew up the first and
second sets of forms didn't really understand what the law required. The main problem in using IQ test results to calculate severe discrepancy is that the underlying assumption (i.e., IQ tests accurately predict achievement and establish a child's potential) is a myth. IQ test scores have never predicted academic achievement very well. Most commonly used IQ tests only account for 25% to 35% of the variance, which means that 65% to 75% of what we call achievement is affected by something other than IQ (whatever "IQ" might be). [See, for example, Hammill & McNutt (1981).] When we use IQ scores to predict specific aptitudes, such as performance on a phonics test, the amount of variance accounted for drops to about ten percent. There's nothing good or bad about those facts intrinsically. It's only when we use IQ as a marker to differentiate between children who have or do not have SLD that the whole thing starts to look a bit absurd. We have
constantly and consistently talked metaphorically about how a child
with SLD is characterized by having a weakness in a sea of strengths.
There has never ever been any research to suggest that children who
have a strength in a sea of weaknesses (or who are simply drowning in
a sea of weaknesses with no life preserver at all) needed help less,
or even that they would have profited less from the same directed instruction
that the typical child with a SLD receives (or ought to receive). In
fact, many researchers have provided evidence and opinions suggesting
that IQ scores and discrepancy measures do not distinguish one disabled
reader from another (e.g., Aaron, 1997; Fletcher, Francis, Rourke, Shaywitz,
& Shaywitz, 1992; Mather & Healey, 1990; Fletcher et al., 1994;
Stanovich, 1991, 1993). Perhaps
to prevent the exercise of such cleverness and versatility, some school
districts require their evaluators to administer the same battery of
tests on every child, regardless of the child's suspected and known
disabilities and other issues. Such rules, of course, not only violate
the evaluation procedures outlined in §300.532 of the 1999 Regulations,
they also further diminish the usefulness of evaluations. Yet another problem with the use of total IQ scores is that the IQ scores are often depressed by the same cognitive weaknesses that depress the child's achievement. If, for example, a child has a severe weakness in learning, retaining, and retrieving oral vocabulary, that weakness will be reflected in depressed scores on tests of reading comprehension and written expression. However, the same weakness will also depress verbal intelligence measures, which are large components of most total intelligence scores. This "Mark Penalty" (Willis & Dumont, 2002, pp. 131-2) may seem to eliminate a mathematical discrepancy between measures of achievement and ability for some children even when there is a genuine disparity between ability and achievement. RTI and PSM What does this have to do with RTI and the Problem Solving Model (PSM)? In the late 1980s, Jeff Grimes et al., in Heartland Area Education Agency in Iowa, recognized that the federal Child Find regulation (34 CFR 300.125) did not require children to be labeled with any particular disability in order for them to be appropriately served in special education. They proposed to their state a radical new way of identifying children non-categorically, using a problem-solving model and data-driven, research-based interventions as the marker for disability. If, after intensive remediation, a child still was not thriving, the IEP team, without further assessment, could declare that student eligible for special education services. Vaughn, Linan-Thompson, and Hickman (2003) provide an empirical example of this process. It is to
that model (RTI and PSM) that OSERS turned after the 1999 regulations
were promulgated. OSERS recognized that there were deficiencies in the
SLD criteria, but they said they needed time to research the matter
and come up with an alternative. They promised to address those deficiencies
in the next reauthorization. Considerable pressure, from various advocacy
groups and "think tanks," was brought to bear before that
reauthorization, which is now awaiting action from the U. S. Senate. In January, 2001, The Fordham Foundation produced a series of 14 papers on "Rethinking Special Education for a New Century," one of which was titled "Rethinking Learning Disabilities" (Lyon et al., 2001). They called for the abolition of the ability-achievement discrepancy and suggested that the current system used to identify those eligible for special education was hurting more children than it helped. The authors said "Children who get off to a poor start rarely catch up . . . We wait -- they fail." They also suggested that the exclusionary clause related to lack of appropriate instruction was itself inappropriate because inappropriate instruction was a cause of SLD classification. ["Poor instruction causes LD and should not be exclusionary."] They cited research suggesting that early intervention could cut identification of Specific Learning Disabilities by 70%.
Robert Pasternack (2002), former Assistant Secretary of OSERS, at his presentation to the NASP convention entitled The Demise of IQ Testing for Children with Learning Disabilities, called for RTI and a PSM while at the same time cautioning against the use and utility of IQ testing in learning disability determination ("IQ tests provide no added value in identification or intervention with LD."). Pasternack's concerns about IQ testing included his belief that they did not adequately differentiate outcomes or needs of children with reading problems; that they were poor indicators of treatment between slow learners and children with discrepancies; and importantly, that the use of IQ testing resulted in disproportionate impact of special education identification on different groups. The President's Commission on Excellence in Special Education (2002), comprised of educators, researchers, and others, called for the abolition of the ability-achievement discrepancy and the implementation of RTI within a PSM. They too described our current system as an "antiquated model that waits for a child to fail, instead of a model based on prevention and intervention" [emphasis theirs]. Congress responded. RTI is the marker they have chosen; the Problem Solving Model (PSM) is presumably the vehicle. OSERS has referred to Heartland, Iowa; Horry County, South Carolina; and Minneapolis, Minnesota as models worthy of emulation. However, these are not the only models using PSM and RTI as a marker for disability. Illinois, Kansas, Florida, Washington, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Ohio are other states that have adopted similar models. [Ohio, for example, has done away with the IQ test requirement and instituted an RTI model similar to Heartland and Horry, but instead of identifying children as being Entitled, the children are identified as having Learning Disabilities. Their teams are still, however, burdened with showing in some fashion or another that there is a severe discrepancy between ability and achievement.] The PSM
is a self-correcting model that typically uses a four-level process.
The first level involves the parents and teacher; the second the parents,
teacher, and other school staff; the third level involves all of the
above plus school psychologists and/or other qualified professionals;
and the fourth level is when the child is referred, parent rights are
given, consent is obtained for additional testing, if needed, and the
team decides whether more interventions need to be tried, or whether
the child can be deemed eligible for special education based upon current
documentation. These decisions are data driven, as typically extensive,
normed and criterion-referenced testing is done throughout the process.
Although IQ tests may be administered, experience in Heartland, Iowa,
and Horry County, South Carolina, suggests that the teams will be requesting
them infrequently - no surprise when you consider that very few IEP
goals are ever developed based on strengths and weaknesses revealed
by an individualized intellectual assessment. One component
that seems to be missing from the federal bills currently before Congress,
though found in virtually all of the models OSERS reviewed, is a low
achievement component. Although low achievement is arbitrarily defined
(that is, differently defined) in the various model programs, the programs
all differ from our current system in that the job of the team isn't
to find the lowest possible achievement score (and highest IQ score)
in order to determine if a child qualifies for special services. Rather,
the team's function will be to find consistency in or a convergence
of the data showing that the child is or is not being successful. Thus,
unlike the current situation, within the PSM virtually every decision
should be based upon professional judgment grounded in data, not (and
this for many districts will be revolutionary) a single mathematical
calculation. Additionally, if the level of needed instructional intervention
rises to the level of specially designed instruction (special education),
and if the team determines that the instruction is needed in order for
the child to continue to maintain progress, an IEP team can declare
the child eligible even if his or her level of achievement has risen
above the district's guidelines (6th, 8th, 10th, or 12th percentile,
depending on the system.) Of course, the Reauthorization bill is always
just the first shoe to be dropped; OSERS's implementing regulations
typically come out about two years later, and those regulations could
change the face of SLD as dramatically as did their first regulations
in 1977. States
that have previously documented prereferral interventions may find the
new PSM process similar to what they have already employed; but, whereas
in current practice, prereferral interventions may be documented by
a single page, in the Problem Solving Model using RTI, that documentation
might look like a small book. Some districts
may find the level of parental involvement unprecedented, as well. In
the PSM/RTI model, parents will be involved at every level of the process,
and they will be provided an opportunity for input, asked to participate
in the nuts and bolts educational planning for their child, and encouraged
to be equal partners in their child's remedial program by reinforcing
instructional strategies recommended by the team through parental tutoring
at home. Most school
psychologists went into the business with some notion that their learning
disabilities evaluations might help children. Instead, in that aspect
of school psychologists' jobs, many have gone from school to school
carrying WISC kits and engaged in the not-so-noble pastime of trying
to squeeze the little round bodies of sinking children into special
education's square holes. The PSM/RTI model will attempt to bring professionals
and parents together the very first time a child is referred. Of course,
the PSM/RTI model will still leave at a disadvantage children whose
parent(s) are not available or who cannot or will not participate in
the process. While Congress seems to like RTI because they hope effective
interventions will cut the numbers of served children, and OSERS likes
RTI because they're tired of trying to defend an indefensible definition,
and the Office of Civil Rights (OCR) likes RTI because they hope it
will reduce disproportionality, the Problem Solving Model was not designed
for or intended to address any of those concerns. The PSM
with RTI was designed to bring professionals together with one and only
one purpose: to help children learn. It intersects neatly, but coincidentally,
with No Child Left Behind (the 2001 amendment of the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act or ESEA, previously amended in 1994 as the Improving
America's Schools Act) (NCLB), because, while NCLB holds schools as
a whole accountable for addressing the needs of every group of children,
even children in special education programs, the PSM offers a potential
tool to regular educators to help them meet those children's needs in
the regular classroom setting. Some
Problems with PSM Does the
PSM have problems? Absolutely. Professionally, the PSM will challenge
most school psychologists. Most school psychologists are not adequately
trained in curriculum-based measurement and many are not as well trained
in even traditional, norm-based assessment of achievement as they are
in cognitive assessment. Whereas many school psychologists currently
hold quasi-administrative positions in relationship to the teachers
and the schools they serve, the PSM will require the exercise of consultative
skills on a day-to-day basis. Most school psychologists are not trained
in scientific, research-based instructional strategies; and if they
are to be effective, not only they, but also the teachers they serve,
are going to need those skills. Implementation with Integrity The argument
against "implementation now" reminds one of the lad in a leaking
lifeboat who, when asked if they shouldn't move to another lifeboat,
said (pausing in his bailing), "No! It might be leaking too!"
There is no single rubric for monitoring the PSM for implementation
with integrity. Indeed, there is as of yet no national research base
that suggests that the PSM has been adequately validated, although local
research from Heartland, Iowa, Minneapolis, MN, and Horry County, SC,
has been very encouraging. The lack of national research has been cited
by both the Council for Exceptional Children and the Learning Disabilities
Association (Council for Exceptional Children, 2002, 2003; Learning
Disabilities Association, undated a, b) as a rationale for delaying
elimination of the severe discrepancy requirement; but even those agencies
are calling for implementation of the problem- solving model in addressing
children's problems. Implementation with integrity is not just a catch
phrase; if we are to better serve children with RTI and the PSM, it
is a necessity. Research is definitely needed. The National Research
Center on Learning Disabilities, a joint research venture involving
Vanderbilt and Kansas Universities, is currently sponsored by the Office
of Special Education Programs, Washington, D.C. Their task includes
exploring the adequacy of RTI models as alternative models of identifying
students with specific learning disabilities and discovering best practices
of RTI currently in use. A Changed Professional World However,
while we do not know with certainty what problems the PSM will bring
us, we do know with certainty that the lack of early intervention and
remediation of learning problems has hurt some children both in the
short and long run. There is some research from the Orton school, corroborated
by research out of Canada (Rourke, Young, & Leenaars, 1989), that
suggests that LD children with dyslexia (about 80% of all children identified
as SLD) are significantly more prone to suicide and that upon graduation
that they have significantly greater difficulty in accessing the public
health system; up to fifty percent of adolescent suicides were previously
identified as being learning disabled (Learning Disabilities Association
of Canada, 2002). On the
other hand, not all children who have come under the current system
have been harmed - indeed some children seem to have made substantial
educational progress despite the faults of the service delivery model.
The next few years should tell whether we can use the PSM/RTI model
to stop hurting children or whether we will just hurt children in different
ways or just hurt different children. An educational
world without Wechslers or Woodcocks is not just an alliterative phrase;
it appears likely eventually to become a reality. Whether that eventuality
is the reader's dream or nightmare probably makes little difference.
With support from national professional organizations (including the
National Association of School Psychologists), from the Office for Civil
Rights, from the Office for Special Education and Rehabilitation, and
from both houses of Congress, it does not appear that the RTI train
can be stopped. Change brings stress, and the extensive changes brought
by IDEA 2004 are likely to be particularly stressful for school psychologists.
Most, we predict, will successfully adapt. However, school psychologists
who have become wedded to their IQ test kits, whose first response to
every referral question is to "WISC the child," and who think
being a real psychologist only means being able to quote Cattell-Horn-Carroll
jargon in a description of a child's strengths and weaknesses on an
IQ (GIA, GCA) test - for them, the next decade could be traumatic. Perhaps
we helped bring about this change. To some extent, school psychologists
and other evaluators may have brought this long-overdue angst upon ourselves,
although we may not have had much choice in the matter. To follow what
we believed were the current federal and state mandates (or sometimes,
simply to keep our jobs), many of us have tolerated or even actively
supported local policies and state rules that imposed rigid discrepancy
formulae never mandated by Congress or OSERS. Some have criticized identification
of SLD when children did not have sufficient discrepancies, apparently
assuming the discrepancy formulae were valid and that the non-formulaic
identifications were neither valid nor legal. Working within these systems,
some have ignored or been ordered to ignore situations in which the
same weakness (for example, processing speed) that depressed measures
of ability also depressed measures of achievement and led the IEP team
to conclude that there was no significant difference between the two
measures, and thus no learning disability (Willis & Dumont, 2002,
pp. 131-2). We have followed orders and wasted time administering IQ
tests for no purpose other than obtaining a total IQ (GCI, GCA) score
when the referral concern was reading, not intelligence. Some of us
have ignored research suggesting that scores beyond the total might
provide useful information. We may have used cognitive ability tests
for purposes that were unintended, unvalidated, and unreasonable, e.g.,
assessing handwriting speed with a test of transcribing a digit-symbol
code instead of by timing a handwriting sample. We have also tended
to follow state and district mandates to devote far more time and energy
to cognitive assessment than to careful and thorough assessment of reading,
writing, phonology, and math skills. At times, we have treated achievement
tests with different content and different norms as if they were interchangeable.
We have used one-sentence reading comprehension items when the referral
question addressed difficulty reading whole chapters. No wonder Congress
and OSERS found little support for what we have been doing. Had we been
permitted, or had we simply taken the initiative, better evaluations
could have been possible. There will
almost certainly be a diminished role for norm referenced, standardized
individual assessments under the IDEA reauthorization. If the interventions
were successful at Level 1 or 2, there would be no point to doing an
individual assessment at Level 3. Some children, however, will not respond
to generic interventions, even though those interventions have been
empirically demonstrated to be effective in most cases. This outcome
would lead to the third level in the four-level process, which might
be time for a very thorough, individual evaluation directed not toward
classification but toward determining what individualized interventions
are needed for the student. Emphasis might be placed on careful, individualized
assessment of achievement using multiple probes measuring progress in
the general curriculum (Curriculum Based Measurement) (e.g., reading
of consonants; reading of vowels; reading of blends, digraphs, and diphthongs;
reading of common syllables and affixes; structural analysis; sight
vocabulary; word comprehension; sentence comprehension; paragraph comprehension;
comprehension of stories and essays; silent and oral reading fluency;
etc.) and of more basic skills underlying achievement (e.g., phonology,
rapid naming, oral vocabulary, oral language comprehension, working
memory, long-term memory storage and retrieval, etc.). The first three
steps in the four-step process can provide a wealth of information to
direct the individualized assessment. Intelligence tests would be used
sparingly, not to provide an IQ number, but only to help explain the
individual's learning problems that had not responded to intensive and
well-documented intervention. Some current research (e.g., Evans, Floyd,
McGrew, & Leforgee, 2002; Fiorello, Hale, McGrath, Ryan, & Quinn,
2002; Floyd, Evans, & McGrew, 2003; Hale, Fiorello, Kavanagh, Hoeppner,
& Gaitherer, 2001) suggests that multifaceted intelligence tests
may have a role in understanding academic achievement deficits. When it comes to this specific aspect of a school psychologist's job description, many school psychologists would welcome the opportunity to do far fewer evaluations and to do those few with a clear and valuable purpose, leaving the rest of their time relating to children specific learning disabilities devoted to Level 3 of the process. School psychologists are ideally positioned to assert positions of leadership in the Problem Solving Model. If school psychologists follow in the footsteps of their peers in systems like Heartland and Horry, they will assume leadership at Level 3 by virtue of their knowledge and training in the PSM process. They will assist the team in defining problems, validating problems by reviewing collected data, and completing functional assessments, if not already done, using such instruments as the Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills (DIBELS) and curriculum-based measurements. They will assist their systems in developing local norms for those instruments. They will be especially valued because of their training in individual assessment, as the action team deals with such problems as setting acquisition or performance goals, writing intervention plans, establishing baseline data, selecting measurement strategies for progress monitoring, providing trend lines, and assessing performance goals. Their expertise will also be invaluable in developing a decision making plan to evaluate outcomes and effectiveness. They will also be indispensable in organizing that information in a final report to be reviewed at Level 4 if the interventions are unsuccessful and entitlement is to be considered. However, such a model will require many school psychologists to expand their knowledge of assessment and especially to the area of linking assessment to specific instructional recommendations. The
Future for School Psychologists "Lead,
follow, or get out of the way." This anonymous aphorism, quoted
by many, including President Reagan, seems to apply to school psychologists
in the 21st century. It is impossible to predict how fast change will
occur. The Council for Exceptional Children, Learning Disabilities Association,
and maybe one or two other groups are urging restraint. But the House
passed RTI in April 2003, and there's no certain indication as to when
the Senate will act or if it will amend its current proposals. All ten
major stake holders at the LD Roundtable sponsored by OSERS were agreed
that the ability-achievement discrepancy was invalid. The American Psychological
Association (not invited to the LD Roundtable in 2002) did not endorse
RTI or the PSM, saying "Current legislative proposals to reauthorize
IDEA do not require states to take into account the discrepancy between
achievement and intellectual ability in determining whether a child
has a specific learning disability. Whether or not this criterion is
retained (pending the development of a more valid and reliable alternative
assessment), it is critical to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of
a child's cognitive strengths and deficits" (American Psychological
Association, 2003). However, the National Association of School Psychologists
has said unequivocally that the scientifically unsupported discrepancy
should be abolished. Both organizations call for the continuance of
cognitive testing; yet neither group, within the context of the respective
statements, provided research-based data supporting their contention
that knowing a child's cognitive abilities could positively influence
that student's academic outcomes. Although it might make sense to give
people time to develop some nation-wide training materials, RTI could,
if the Senate acts, easily be on us before anybody is ready. Some districts
have implemented non-categorical procedures (e.g., Iowa for 100% of
its special education children, Horry County for selected categories)
in order to avoid the SLD requirements. That implementation required
rules replacement. Students are called various things, but no specific
label is given, e.g., "Entitled Child with an Entitlement to Special
Education" (Heartland AEA, 2002b, p. 7-2). If Congress passes what
it is proposing, the category "SLD" will be about the same
as "Eligible Child with a Disability." Students who now have
mild EMD, SLD, mild BED, Language Impairment, and ADHD (without hyperactivity)
would be identified under the SLD umbrella instead of the Eligible Child
with a Disability umbrella. So it really does not matter much what you
call it. Low achievement is (or ought to be) part of the picture, although
it is not mentioned explicitly in the proposed changes to the statute,
but the other part is that the school absolutely must document resistance
to instruction using research-based, scientific interventions within
the context of a problem-solving model. The problem-solving model is
also not explicitly mentioned in the federal regulations, but when Congress
talks about a process, that is the process to which they are referring.
We will be very surprised if both low achievement and resistance to
intervention are not explicitly referenced in the OSERS regulations.
Documenting
resistance to intervention is going to require lots and lots of assessment
and record keeping, particularly at Level 3 of the 4-level process,
which might (or might not) become part of school psychologists' roles.
The bottom line is that nobody knows what is going to happen to school
psychologists when (not if) RTI goes national. The National Association
of School Psychologists is advocating for school psychologists to assume
leadership roles on the teams, and that is both reasonable and supported
by what is happening in most of the model sites. However, even if school
psychologist positions increase in number as a result of these changes
(and that is not guaranteed), there is also no guarantee that they will
be filled by the same people now filling more traditional roles. In
some school systems, learning disabilities assessment is only one part
of a school psychologist's many-faceted responsibilities, but in others,
school administrators have sought to contain costs by restricting school
psychologists to mandated activities only. In those systems particularly,
RTI and the PSM could pose a real challenge to psychologists seeking
to justify their positions. In a preventive model, the assessments,
observations, consultations, and interventions are, for the most part,
being done with regular education children not yet suspected of having
disabilities. Under current funding laws, schools may be prohibited
from using state special education funds to pay for those services -
and so the question, "What funds will be used to pay school psychologists
to lead the intervention teams?" has not yet been answered. As if RTI were not enough to cope with, NCLB has revolutionized special education (Wright, Wright, & Heath, 2003). NCLB calls for a reduction in the artificial barriers between special education and regular education, advocates for a de-emphasis on process and paperwork, and calls for a major system change. Most people do not realize that schools have never, ever actually been accountable for children with disabilities learning anything. Schools have to give parents their rights, develop an IEP, and teach to the IEP, but if the child does not learn a single thing listed on the IEP, the law has always explicitly said it "does not require that any agency, teacher, or other person be held accountable if a child does not achieve the growth projected in the annual goals and benchmarks or objectives" (34 CFR 300.350). The challenge from the President's Commission on Excellence and from NCLB is to change the focus from process-based accountability to results-based educational accountability. It is hard not to feel nostalgic for the good old days when giving it the old college try was enough -- now people actually want to see something for their money. Additional
Questions and Some Tentative Answers In real and concrete terms, how will Levels1 and 2 differ from what we have been doing in the past? Can Levels 1 and 2 succeed if the parents are not willing or able to be involved? The PSM calls for extensive documentation, but schools and individuals will vary in their enthusiasm and capacity for that effort. We will have to see whether and how vigorously such documentation will be enforced. The amount of change will depend in various schools upon what teachers were doing in the past. Teachers have always had conferences to apprise parents of their child's progress. In some school systems, for example, board policies require teachers to warn parents that their child might not be promoted as early as January. This model adds an added burden for the teacher to try to problem-solve with the parent - and adds a requirement that the problem-solving be documented. Obviously, if the parent does not come in, problem-solving cannot be as effective. But the model assumes up to 80% of student problems will be resolved at this step. If parents refuse to become involved, the assistance team cannot refuse to serve the child at Levels 2 and 3. But it is expected that parent refusal will not be accepted without extensive documentation of the team's efforts to gain their involvement. How long does a team wait before moving from step to step? Will there be in the federal regulations some specific time line for response to the intervention? Would one, two, four, eight, or sixteen weeks be reasonable? How much discretion will be permitted to local teams? Success in this area is heavily dependent upon local probes being normed. You cannot have a data-driven response to intervention system if you don't have comparative data for fall, winter, and spring for the instruments being used. Using district norms, the team decides at the first meeting what would be an acceptable level of performance, and the next meeting time is set before the meeting is adjourned. Parents have the right at any point to initiate a referral, which would trigger state timelines. Parental participation will help to guarantee the integrity of the process. Teams will be accumulating much more data during the Level 3 process than currently is the case, using a RIOT format (Review, Interview, Observe, Test) across the ICEL Domains (Instruction, Curriculum, Environment, Learner) supplemented with classroom observations and CBM probes (Heartland AEA, 2002a, p. 54). The goal here is not to get the lowest achievement test score or the highest IQ score as under the present system, but to document a convergence of data showing the child is or is not making adequate progress. Graphing of the results will also be essential, because a determination of need will be based not only on absolutes (e.g., the child is at the 10th percentile) but on whether trend lines show that child as making acceptable progress toward his goal. Our understanding is that the team will consider those data plus the intensity of service being provided to maintain progress. If a student is being maintained at above, say, the tenth percentile and the trend line is showing promising growth, the team could still consider entitlement if the level of intervention is, in the team's collective judgment equivalent to specialized instruction (special education). The four-level system isn't structured to be inflexibly sequential. There are
many reasons why a child might be automatically elevated to Level 3
(bypassing 1 and 2). Such reasons include: How will teams determine whether proposed interventions are "empirically based"? Will there be lists of prescribed interventions? Will teams be forbidden from applying common-sense solutions? Will it be legal to conduct research to test new methods that cannot, by definition, be empirically based until the research is completed? These questions appear to remain unanswered for the time being. What will be the fate of Independent Educational Evaluations (IEEs)? Will schools still be required to consider the results of IEEs? Will there be a bull market for IEEs? Under what, if any, circumstances, will parents be able to demand IEEs at district expense? We will probably need to wait for the final version of the statute, and even longer for the final regulations to definitively answer these questions. For those states and school districts that experience earlier and greater involvement of parents, there may be fewer requests for IEEs. The PSM may also provide more data to demonstrate that a district's evaluation has been adequate. If the school has already attempted research based, appropriate interventions, and those have failed, what next? Have we
already tried our best? How will evaluating the student at the upper
levels provide useful information that will lead to interventions different
from those already tried? The real advantage to this system is earlier
intervention. In the current system, the student is referred, but does
not qualify, and the teacher says, "Well, I tried to help him.
They let him fall between the cracks." The PSM process insures
that appropriate assessments focused on a child's actual problems are
conducted as early as kindergarten with specific interventions for remediation
being made and, hopefully, implemented. Earlier intervention means fewer
children would fall between the cracks and it means that children should
have a much better prospect for success than in our current wait-to-fail
model. We estimate
that approximately 6% of the students for whom interventions are tried
will prove resistant. Those are the children who would move to Level
4 and consideration of entitlement. If all assessment questions have
not already been answered in the course of problem-solving using curriculum
based measurement and applying RIOT and ICEL techniques, then, as needed,
team members will participate in planning a full and individual evaluation
and completing any necessary additional assessments. Horry County, however,
reported a 94% reduction in time spent on additional assessments when
the problem-solving model was introduced (Barbour & Schwanz, 2002).
Advantages of RTI at Level 4 (entitlement) should be obvious. Under the current model, often all that the special education teacher has for hard data are scores from the Woodcock Johnson Tests of Achievement, 3rd Edition, or other nationally normed, standardized test battery (not very helpful in targeting specific areas of weakness in more than global terms unless the evaluator has made special efforts) and regular classroom teacher input. With the data accumulated during Level 3, the IEP will almost write itself. The teacher will know what works a little and what works not at all. Personal communications (2003) with Ben Barbour in Horry County suggest that teachers have found this level of specificity very helpful in providing interventions that actually teach the child what we want her or him to know more quickly. How, and by whom, are the Level 1 and 2 interventions monitored and evaluated? If a parent and a teacher get together to say, "Mildred has a problem, let's try something new," who monitors the intervention? Will we end up with a "been there - done that" mentality, with no empirical evidence or accountability? There will need to be new record-keeping and follow-up mechanisms so that the PSM does not just open up a new set of cracks through which children can fall. Level 1 is informal, but includes some documentation. Extensive documentation is required even at Level 2. The team at Level 3 is charged with reviewing all of that documentation and may, at its discretion, return the child to an earlier level for more extensive remediation. The principal is key in any school. Principals will be charged with enforcing integrity of intervention. Is there some level of achievement (we have mentioned certain percentiles) at which one would assume that a child is suffering? Will federal regulations specify some level of achievement below which schools will automatically be required to intervene? Will there be some level of achievement above which the school will be allowed to declare there is no problem? Historically, Congress and OSERS have avoided specifying numerical cut-offs and formulae, but the courts and OCR have reacted with some hostility to local and state rules that appeared to deny services to otherwise eligible children. Being at grade level will no longer be defined as being average. In North Carolina, being at grade level was defined as being at the 38th percentile or above. Renorming has dropped that cutoff point considerably. If we defined "grade level" as 50th percentile, the goal of NCLB of having every child reading at grade level would be ludicrous. It may be ludicrous anyway, but we do not lower the bar just because more children are getting under it. What will become of "gifted SLD" children? RTI and the PSM can be expected to identify children, especially those with low scores on IQ tests, who would not have been identified before. However, children with high IQ scores and average achievement might no longer be eligible for special education identification and services. Advocates for "gifted SLD" children can be expected to be as unhappy as advocates for "slow learners" have been in the past. Will the entire process, starting at Level 1, be considered "special education"? If not, will there be restrictions on the involvement of personnel whose salaries are paid partly or totally by designated special education funds? This is a potentially complicated question that may not be entirely resolved by the legislation or even the new regulations. We may need to reply on later interpretations by OSEPS, courts, and other authorities. Useful
Links Related to RTI and PSM As a resource for those thoroughly scared or upset by all these proposed changes, we offer the following incomplete list of useful links related to RTI and PSM. Some of these are "political" or "legal" documents, but we've always been a profession dominated by laws written by politicians. What they are thinking is important.
Aaron, P. G. (1997). The impending demise of the discrepancy formula. Review of Educational Research, 67, 461 - 502. American
Psychological Association (2003, June). APA Online. Briefing Sheet on
IDEA. Recommendations for the Reauthorization of the Individuals with
Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Retrieved February 10, 2004, from
http://www.apa.org/ppo/issues/ideareauthbf603.html Barbour,
C. Ben, and Kerry A. Schwanz (2002). The Winds of Change: A Problem
Solving Model in Horry County. NASP Communiqué. Vol. 30. June
2002. Retrieved February 29, 2004 from http://www.nasponline.org/futures/horrycounty.html Bracken,
B. A. (1988). Ten psychometric reasons why similar tests produce dissimilar
results. Journal of School Psychology, 26, (2), 155-166. Council
for Exceptional Children (2002). Council for Exceptional Children, IDEA
Reauthorization Recommendations April 2002; retrieved on 2/25/2004 from
http://www.cec.sped.org/gov/IDEA_reauth_4-2002.pdf Council
for Exceptional Children (2003). Recommendations on House and Senate
IDEA Bills: Comparison of House Passed Bill and Senate Committee Passed
Bill Part A and B September 2003 Dumont,
R., Willis, J, & McBride, G. (2001). Yes, Virginia, there is a severe
discrepancy clause, but is it too much ado about something? The School
Psychologist, 55 (1), 1, 4-13, 15. Evans,
J. J., Floyd, R. G., McGrew, K. S., & Leforgee, M. H. (2002). The
relations between measures of Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) cognitive abilities
and reading achievement during childhood and adolescence. School Psychology
Review, 31 (2), 246-262. Fiorello,
C. A., Hale, J. B., McGrath, M., Ryan, K., & Quinn, S. (2002). IQ
interpretation for children with flat and variable test profiles. Learning
and Individual Differences, 13, 115 - 125. Floyd,
R. G., Evans, J. J., & McGrew, K. S. (2003). Relations between measures
of Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) cognitive abilities and mathematics achievement
across the school-age years. Psychology in the Schools, 60 (2), 155-171. Fletcher,
J. M., Francis, D., Rourke, B., Shaywitz, S. & Shaywitz, B. (1992)
The validity of discrepancy-based definitions of reading disabilities.
Journal of Learning Disabilities, 25, 555-561. Fletcher,
J. M., Shaywitz, S. E., Shankweiler, D., Katz, L., Liberman, I., Steubing,
K., Francis, D. J., Fowler, A., & Shaywitz, B. A. (1994). Cognitive
profiles of reading disability: Comparisons of discrepancy and low achievement
definitions. Journal of Educational Psychology, 85, 1-18. Floyd R.
G., Clark, M. H., & Shadish, W. R. (2004). The Exchangeability of
Intelligence Quotients. Manuscript submitted for publication. Guard,
P. (2002, October 9). Letter from Patricia Guard to Dr. Colleen Baumtrog.
OSEP. Retrieved February 8, 2004 from ftp://ftp.pattan.k12.pa.us/pattan/OSEP/CY2002-4qu/Baumtrog01.pdf Hale, J.
B., Fiorello, C. A., Kavanagh, J. A., Hoeppner, J. B., & Gaitherer,
R. A. (2001). WISC-III predictors of academic achievement for children
with learning disabilities: Are global and factor scores comparable?
School Psychology Quarterly, 16 (1), 31- 35. Hammill,
D. D., & McNutt, G. (1981). The correlates of reading: The consensus
of thirty years of correlational research. Austin, TX: Pro-Ed. Heartland
AEA (2002a). Heartland AEA Program Manual for Special Education. Johnston,
IA: Author. Heartland
AEA (2002b). Data-based decision making (ch.7, "Entitlement."
Johnston IA: Author. Learning
Disabilities Association of Canada (2002), "Statistics on Learning
Disabilities, 2002. Retrieved 2/25/2004 from http://www.ldac-taac.ca/english/indepth/bkground/stats01.htm Learning
Disabilities Association (undated a). LDA Talking Points on IDEA. Retrieved
February 26, 2004 from http://www.ldanatl.org/LDA%20Points%20IDEA.htm Learning
Disabilities Association (undated b). Learning Disabilities Association
of America Answers Your Questions on the Reauthorization of IDEA, undated,
Retrieved 2/24/2004 from http://www.ldanatl.org/Q&A.htm Lyon, G.
R. (1997, July 10). Testimony before the Committee on Education and
the Workforce, a committee of the US House of Representatives. Lyon, G.
R., Fletcher, J. M., Shaywitz, S. E., Shawitz, B. A, Torgesen, J. K.,
Wood, F. B., Schulte, A., & Olson, R. (2001) Rethinking learning
disabilities. Progressive Policy Institute, Thomas B. Fordham Foundation.
Retrieved February 4, 2004, from http://www.educationnext.org/unabridged/20012/lyon.pdf Mather,
N., & Healey, W. C. (1990). Deposing the aptitude-achievement discrepancy
as the imperial criterion for learning disabilities. Learning Disabilities:
A Multidisciplinary Journal 1(2), 40-48. Pasternack,
R. H. (2002, March). The Demise of IQ Testing for Children with Learning
Disabilities. Keynote address presented at the annual convention of
the National Association of School Psychologists, Chicago, Illinois.
Retrieved February 4, 2004, from http://www.hdc.lsuhsc.edu/Powerpoint/pasternack_nasp2002_files/frame.htm
President's
Commission on Excellence in Special Education (2002, July 12). Final
Report. Retrieved February 4, 2004, from http://www.ed.uiuc.edu/news/2002/specialedreport.htm
Rourke,
B. P., Young, G. C., & Leenaars, A. (1989). A childhood learning
disability that predisposes those afflicted to adolescents and adult
depression and suicide risk - Journal of Learning Disabilities, 22,
169-175 Specific
Learning Disabilities: Finding Common Ground (2002). A report developed
by the ten organizations participating in the Learning Disabilities
Roundtable Sponsored by the Division of Research to Practice Office
of Special Education Programs U.S. Department of Education. Washington,
DC 20202. Stanovich,
K. E. (1991) Conceptual and empirical problems with discrepancy definitions
of reading disability. Learning Disability Quarterly, 14, 269-280. Stanovich,
K. E. (1993). The construct validity of discrepancy definitions of reading
disability. In G. R. Lyon, D. Gray, J. Kavanagh, N. Krasnegor (Eds.),
Better understanding learning disabilities: New views from research
and their implications for education and public policies. Baltimore,
MD: Paul H. Brookes. Vaughn,
S., Linan-Thompson, S., & Hickman, P. (2003). Response to instruction
as a means of identifying students with reading/learning disabilities.
Exceptional Children, 69, 391-409. Willis,
J. O. & Dumont, R. P. (2002). Guide to identification of learning
disabilities (3rd ed.). Peterborough, NH: authors. [http://alpha.fdu.edu/psychology] Wright, P. W. D., Wright, P. D., & Heath S. W. (2004). Wrightslaw: No child left behind. Hartfield, VA: Harbor House Law Press.
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